Thematic Perfects

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27. By this term we understand the forms which arise when a perfect is inflected like a present in -ω. This change took place universally in Syracusan Doric, occasionally in other dialects. The chief Homeric instances are as follows.

ἄνωγα: 3rd singular ἀνώγει, which has a present sense in several places (though more commonly it is a pluperfect), dual ἀνώγε-τον; also ἤνωγον, ἄνωγον, ἄνωγε, optative ἀνώγοιμι, imperative ἀνωγέ-τω, ἀνώγε-τε. Such a form as ἤνωγον may be regarded either as a thematic pluperfect of ἄνωγα, or as imperfect of a new thematic present ἀνώγω. This remark applies also to the next three cases.

γέγωνα: ἐγέγωνε, infinitive γεγωνέ-μεν (also γεγώνειν or γεγωνεῖν, Il. 12. 337).

πεπληγώς (only in the participle): ἐπέπληγον and πέπληγον, infinitive πεπληγέ-μεν, middle πεπλήγε-το.

Similarly

μεμηκώς (participle): ἐμέμηκον

κεκληγώς: plural κεκλήγοντες (Il. 12.125, 16.430, 17. 756 and 759), perhaps τετρίγοντες (§ 26.1), and κεκόπων (v. l. for κεκοπώς, Il. 13.60, Od. 18.335).

μέμνημαι : the optative μεμνέῳτο (Il. 23.361) is apparently obtained by transference of quantity from a thematic μεμνή-οιτο; but we may read μέμνῃτο, 3rd singular of the regular optative μεμνῄ-μην (Il. 24.745). For this, again, some MSS. have μεμνοίμην, as if from *μέμνο-μαι. The 2nd singular indicative μέμνῃ (Il. 15.18) also points to μέμνομαι, but we may read μέμνηʼ (i. e. μέμνηαι).

μέμβλε-ται (Il. 19.343) and μέμβλε-το (μέλ-ω) may be variously explained. Perhaps μεμελ-, the short stem answering to μέμηλε, became by metathesis μεμλε-, μεμβλε-; cp. ἤμβροτον for ἥμαρτον.

ὀρώρε-ται (Od. 19.377 and 524, subjunctive ὀρώρη-ται Il. 13.271).

ἐδηδε-ται (v. l. in Od. 22.56, see § 25.3). We may add the pluperfects δείδιε feared, ἀνήνοθεν (Il. 11.266), ἐπ-ενήνοθεν (Il. 2.219, 10.134): perhaps also the optatives in -οιμι, -οις, etc., viz. βεβρώθ-οις (Il. 4.35), βεβλήκοι (Il. 8.270), πεφεύγοι (Il. 21.609), ἱλήκοι (H. Apoll. 165); see § 83.