Final -ι of the Dative Singular

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373. Final ι of the Dat. ing. The inal ι 0f the Dat. (0c.) 8ing. is so frequently long that it may be regarded as a ' doubtf vοςwel.7 The examples are especially found in lines and phrases of a fixed or archaic type.

ἦ ῥα, καὶ ἐν δεινῷ σάκει ἔλασʼ ὄβριμον ἔγχος

οὕτω που Διί μέλλει ὑπερμενέί φίλον εἶναι (thrice in the Il.)

τὸ τρίτον αὔθʼ ὕδατι (Od. 10. 520, 11. 28)

αὐτοῦ πὰρ νηί τε μένειν (Od. 9. 194., 1b. 444)

λυθον εἰκοστῷ ἔτει ἐς κτλ. (6 times in the Od.)

So in Αἴαντι δὲ μάλιστα, Oδυσσῆί δὲ μάλιστα, 8Sxc. and the fixed epithet Διί φίλος. Considering also that this vοςwel is rarely elided ( 376), it becomes highly probable that ἰ as well as was originally in use.1

It is an interesting question vwhether these traces of -ἴ as the ending of the Homeric Dat. are to be connectedd vwith the occasional -ἴ of the Locative in the Veda (Brugmann, τundr. ii. § 256, p. 610). The Vedic lengthening appears to be one of a group of similar changes of quantity vwhhich affect a short final vovwel, and which are in their origin rhythmical, since they generay serve to prevent a succession of short syllables (VWackernagelL Oαs bshnιιngsgeset2 αder gτechischen COoοsιa, p. 12 lf., quoted by Brugmann ll. c.). The same thing may evidently be said of the Homeric -ἴ in many of the cases quoted, as πατέρι, σάκει, ἔτει. Hence it is probable that the lengthening dates from the ndo-European language, and is not due iεn the first instance to the require- ments of the hexameter. But in such a case as Oδυσσῆῖ it may be that the Greek poet treats it as a lίcenss, vwhhich he takes advantage of in order to avoid the impossible quantities 2 - -r (cp. δἴζῦράτερος for the unmetrical ὁἔζῦρότερος).

  • 1. The priority in this as in so many inferences from Homeric usage belong3 (as Hartel notices) to H. L. Ahrens (hιtοὶοgιs, bV. pν. 593 ).